THE Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a country already plagued by decades of instability, has once more slipped into chaos as armed militant groups consolidate their grip in the eastern provinces.
Violence, displacement and abuses of human rights have become a grim reality for millions, and international efforts to establish peace are having a hard time making a lasting impact.
The outlook is grim, and short of rapid intervention, the area threatens to tumble head first into wholesale humanitarian disaster.
The Eastern Congo has long been disputed territory by armed forces.
Following the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, there flowed in hundreds of militias, genocidal Interahamwe leftovers among them, inundating the region and heightening tensions, leading to land, ethnic and natural resource conflicts.
Those conflicts have simply carried on since then, fuelled by misrule, corruption and the rich mineral deposits that attract local and outside exploitation.
Despite all the peace deals and global interventions, the area remains unstable.
The United Nations (UN) has maintained a peacekeeping force, MONUSCO, for over two decades now, yet the violence never stops.
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Today, the latest escalation of fighting is being driven by a mix of domestic and foreign rebel groups, including the notorious March 23 Movement (M23), which has been reported to have formed an alliance with other groups to form the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC).
The ADF, an extremist militia affiliated with ISIS, and the Mai-Mai militias are also key perpetrators.
The latter operate with utter impunity, dishing out violent death to civilians, military targets and even humanitarian workers.
One of the most powerful forces in the current crisis is the M23, a predominantly Tutsi-led rebel group that has been active since 2012.
Although it was initially dispersed by Congolese and international forces in 2013, the M23 revived in 2021, capturing a strategic territory in North Kivu province.
The group claims to be fighting for the rights of Tutsis in the Congo, but its actions, which have involved mass slaughter and forced displacement, have been internationally condemned.
M23 participation in the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) has been noted, though details of its leadership structure within this alliance are not widely confirmed.
Meanwhile, the ADF, an ISIS-affiliated terrorist group, has also stepped up its own attacks, massacring civilians in brutal attacks.
Operating mostly in North Kivu and Ituri provinces, the ADF has committed some of the areas’ worst atrocities, including mass slaughter and the torching of entire villages.
Furthermore, Mai-Mai militias, which are constituted by local fighters, have brought complexity to the crisis.
The groups often claim to be protecting their local communities, but also engage in criminal activities such as illegal taxation, kidnappings and assaults on civilians.
In a recent escalation, the AFC/M23 alliance has had significant success with the fall of strategic cities such as Goma and Bukavu.
The path for these strategic victories was paved by several crucial events.
Failed negotiations in Luanda: The conflict escalated after Luanda talks broke down in December 2024, when the DRC peremptorily rejected M23’s demands.
This breakdown in talks set the stage for military resumption.
Offensives in Masisi and Lubero: M23 launched coordinated offensives in the Masisi and Lubero territories in December 2024.
Although Congolese troops halted the offensive in Lubero on December 24, M23 took Masisi town in early January 2025, securing valuable supply routes.
Capture of strategic towns on Lake Kivu: On January 21, 2025, M23 took control of several strategic towns on Lake Kivu after an unsuccessful Congolese army counteroffensive.
This strategic move allowed M23 to control strategic trade routes and access to the mineral wealth of the region.
Fall of Goma: On January 26-28, 2025, M23 rebels captured Goma, the capital city of North Kivu province, a dangerous escalation of the conflict.
The capture of the city gave M23 control of a major urban centre and access to international borders.
Following the fall of Goma, M23 forces began advancing towards Bukavu, the capital city of South Kivu province.
M23 explained this move as intended to rescue civilians from looting and violence in Bukavu.
M23 forces captured the key mining town of Nyabibwe, halfway between Goma and Bukavu, on February 5, 2025.
This provided them with control of key infrastructure and supply lines.
Capture of Kavumu Airport: M23 rebels seized control of Kavumu Airport, about 30 kilometers from Bukavu, on February 14, 2025, after short battles.
This strategic airport was crucial for troop resupply and marked a significant step toward capturing Bukavu.
Capture of Bukavu: By February 16, 2025, M23 rebels had successfully captured Bukavu, with minimal resistance from the Congolese military.
The city fell into chaos, with widespread looting and civilian displacement.
These strategic victories have given the AFC/M23 alliance control over key trade routes and access to the region’s mineral wealth, and further consolidated their hold on eastern Congo.
The capture of these towns has led to large-scale displacement and humanitarian crises as thousands flee their homes in fear of violence and persecution.
The cost in human lives is devastating.
Humanitarian organizations put the number of people internally displaced in the DRC at over 6,9 million, with eastern Congo bearing the brunt of the crisis.
Entire communities have been uprooted, with families having to leave their homes and seek shelter in overcrowded camps or neighboring countries like Uganda and Rwanda.
In addition, human rights violations, including mass rape, summary executions, and recruitment of children into the army, have also escalated.
Children and women are the most vulnerable to attack, where the women are sexually assaulted as a weapon of war.
The civilians who reside in areas controlled by the militants are in constant fear and face extortion, forced recruitment, and indiscriminate killings.
The State, led by President Félix Tshisekedi, has sent military attacks against rebel forces, but not recorded any meaningful successes.
Still, the army, plagued by corruption and logistical issues, too often is outwitted by superior-armed militias.
Government troops have even been accused of being in collusion with some rebel forces, making the State even weaker.
Additionally, local players, including Rwanda and Uganda, have been drawn into the conflict, with accusations of trading their support for different rebel groups.
Rwanda has, for example, been accused of supporting the M23, a claim its government denies.
This has increased tensions between the two countries to high levels, with fears of a full-scale regional war.
Meanwhile, the UN, African Union (AU), and East African Community (EAC) have attempted to facilitate peace talks, with incremental progress.
Nonetheless, MONUSCO, which has a mission of 16,000, has been condemned for failing to protect civilians adequately.
Protest has followed in disgust at the UN mission, with most Congolese calling for it to leave.
The abundant mineral resources of Eastern Congo, including gold, coltan and diamonds, are used to finance the conflict.
In fact, the majority of rebel factions finance themselves through illegal mining and smuggling alongside corrupt officials and multinational companies.
Millions of dollars enter the economy through illegal mineral trade, keeping militias fat and well-armed.
Regardless of attempts at having the mining sector regulated and denying rebels financing, little has been achieved.
Initiatives such as the Dodd-Frank Act in the United States attempted to exclude firms from gaining access to conflict minerals, but have lacked in ensuring consistency in their application.
Thus, the cycle of violence caused by resource exploitation continues unabated.
The international community must get moving to mend the worsening crisis in eastern Congo.
Diplomatic pressure against regional players suspected of fueling the conflict should first be intensified, and the capability to pursue war criminals must be improved.
In addition, humanitarian aid should be increased to help the millions displaced and affected by violence.
Ultimately, there must be a global strategy if genuine peace is going to be, not just looking at the near-term security, but also political and economic foundations.
Better government, expenditure on development, and assurances of accountability to victims are essential measures so that the vicious cycle of war can be interrupted.
While the world looks on as the DRC spirals deeper into chaos, one has to ask: Will the international community finally take action, or will eastern Congo keep on suffering in silence? The moment of serious intervention is now.
Ezekiel a Tshimwang and Chris Nsenga are BSc International Relations and Diplomacy students at the Africa University
