THE past few months have seen two elections on the continent that were stark opposites.
One was held in South Africa, the most hotly contested poll since the end of Apartheid in 1994. A watershed plebiscite that saw the ANC haemorrhages its support to below 50%.
The other was the Rwanda election in which President Paul Kagame smashed his own record and romped to victory, winning more than 99% of the vote!
Do not ask me dear reader how that is possible in a world where the advent of new and alternative media has made it difficult for politicians to monopolise narratives.
Is it his impeachable record of modernising Rwanda and growing its economy or is it the iron-clad rule that has no tolerance for opposition and critical media? The jury is still out.
There’s a positive takeaway
The humiliating loss of the ANC and the embarrassing win of Paul Kagame are not the subject of my submission today. I am more interested in a significant positive component that Zimbabwe can learn from the two elections: The diaspora vote.
Both countries accorded their citizens in the diaspora the chance to vote. This trend is growing with countries like Botswana, Kenya, Senegal, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Mozambique amongst others having accorded the right to vote to their citizens in the diaspora. But before we go further lest I lose you dear reader, let me school you for a moment.
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Diaspora vote is not special voting
Zimbabwe already accords the right to vote for its citizens abroad. The caveat here is that one has to be on government deployment to qualify like embassy staff, soldiers deployed outside the country etc.
They cast their ballots via postal voting in advance before the actual election day and they are transmitted to their respective polling stations back home. That is a category of special voting.
Diaspora vote on the other hand is when the same electoral processes carried out in the country are carried out for citizens in the diaspora.
This includes voter registration, the casting of votes etc. It takes two forms. It may mean diasporans vote for a Member of Parliament for their constituency back home or it may mean diaspora is designated as a constituency in which case diasporans would vote for their own Member of Parliament.
A country that introduces diaspora voting would designate certain countries as approved for diaspora vote usually based on the size of its population in that particular country.
Diplomatic relations with those particular countries also influence this designation. Class is dismissed.
The case for diaspora vote
There is no dispute that there is a significant population of Zimbabweans in the diaspora. Official census data puts the figure at close to one million while some pundits dispute this figure and put it at around three million, with South Africa estimated to host half of that population.
Whichever figure is correct; this is a significant population that cannot be ignored.
Moreover, the Zimbabwean diaspora actively contributes to the economic growth and development of their home countries through remittances, investments, and social development projects like the construction of schools, clinics, dams, etc.
In Zimbabwe, diaspora remittances are estimated at close to US$1,9 billion in 2023 alone as reported by the Reserve Bank Governor in April 2024.
This is just those remittances that come through official channels.
There is probably a matching chunk that comes in through unofficial channels.
This demonstrates that diasporans have a stake and vested interest in the economy and social affairs of their communities back home and must have a say on who governs them and how they are governed.
Furthermore, they face various challenges as a diaspora population, which are unique from those faced by their compatriots back home.
As such, they need a voice to ensure their interests are well represented in the legislative and policy-making corridors of power.
It’s about the right to vote!
The diaspora vote is not just a baseless demand. It is about the right to vote for Zimbabwean citizens. Zimbabwe’s Constitution (section 67(3) accords every Zimbabwean citizen of over 18 years of age the right to vote in all elections.
This means that according to the constitution, there are only two considerations that makes one eligible to vote, citizenship and age.
However, the electoral act in its administrative and logistical modalities then limits that right for citizens not resident in the country. It does that in two ways.
First, the Electoral Act (Section 72) states that only Zimbabwean citizens who are on diplomatic missions, or other governmentdeployments abroad may vote, meaning those who do not fit in this category are not covered.
Secondly, Section 23(3) further disqualifies anyone who has not been resident in their particular constituency for more than 18 months from appearing on the voter’s roll. This was the same section that disqualified Saviour Kasukuwere from contesting presidential elections in 2023.
This provision makes it difficult for the diaspora to retain their name on the voter’s roll and return home to vote during elections.
The cost of ensuring they remain on the ballot and then eventually come back home to vote is too high. This disenfranchises them.
The advantage especially for countries like South Africa is that Zimbabwe already has efficient consular services, which enable diasporans to apply for, renew, and receive such documents as national IDs and passports, which would make voter registration easier to carryout.
Undocumented citizens will be able to access documentation services without having to come back home.
The path is fraught with pitfalls
It is easier said, but the realisation of the diaspora vote is not a bed of roses. One of the major hurdles is the lack of political will from the government fuelled by the suspicion that the diaspora vote is synonymous with the opposition vote.
This is a fair political concern considering that the majority of those in the diaspora left the country out of desperation due to the difficult economic conditions in the country.
Others left due to fear of political persecution. This begins during the Gukurahundi era and intensifies at the turn of the millennium after the formation of the MDC.
Such victims of economic and political injustice understandably hope for change. However, there are also thousands of diasporans, who went abroad to study under the presidential scholarship, and these would have a sense of gratitude towards the governing party for such an opportunity.
Weak electoral institution
Another significant challenge is that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) has not exactly demonstrated institutional capacity and competence to administer elections smoothly.
The 2023 elections are a recent example where thousands of voters waited till the next day for election material for them to cast their votes.
That does not exactly inspire confidence. If one adds another layer of a diaspora vote without strengthening the institutional capacity and competence of Zec would be a recipe for disaster.
In the face of incessant allegations of electoral manipulation and voter fraud, the diaspora vote presents a particular risk for such if not implemented properly.
Limited civic awareness
Because of the disconnect, which diasporans have with civic and political processes back in their country of origin, the majority of diasporans are neither aware nor active in civic and political affairs.
This makes it difficult to mobilise them effectively towards a diaspora vote. This is demonstrable in countries that have recently accorded a diaspora vote.
The number of those who vote in the diaspora is still disproportionately low compared to the diaspora population. South Africa is a case in point.
According to the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa, 78 000 South Africans in the diaspora were registered to vote compared to an estimated over 900 000 South Africans living abroad as of 2020 according to Statistics SA via UNDESA. That is equivalent to 8,7% of the diaspora population.
As such, the call for a diaspora vote must be accompanied by robust civic education for diasporans to advocate for and exercise their right to vote.
The sober view
The diaspora vote is a political rights issue. The Zimbabwean government cannot continue to pander to its citizens in the diaspora to contribute to social and economic development back home but in the same breath, deny them a voice.
It cannot be right that the Ministry of Finance flaunts the huge foreign currency receipts from its diaspora while on the other hand telling them they are not citizen enough to vote in elections.
Diasporans cannot be relegated to just benefactors reduced to an ATM and subsidise the government by engaging in social development and social protection for their communities yet their interests are not catered for.
Kalanga sagacity counsels that, “Awungade nyeza ukahema nti wadzigele!” (You cannot love cicadas but hate the tree on which they perch).
The time is right for Zimbabwe to engage in far-reaching electoral reforms, which many have been clamouring for. And one of the major reforms must be to accord Zimbabweans abroad, the right to vote.
Zimbabwe must learn from its neighbours. The winds of change are here and we must adjust our sails accordingly.
This is my sober view, I take no prisoners.
- Dumani is an independent political analyst. He writes in his personal capacity. X — @NtandoDumani.
